Apr 30, 2010
He hits back at critics of policemen who opened fire after car chase
KUALA LUMPUR: Malaysia's police chief Musa Hassan has lashed out at those criticising the force over the death of a 14-year-old boy, saying he could call his men off the streets if that was what the people wanted.
'If you do not want the police to enforce the law, then say so,' he said.
'I can tell my men to not take any action, including to conduct inspections on vehicles or arrest Mat Rempit (motorcycle gangs) who ride without licence,' Tan Sri Musa told reporters after an official function.
[An incredibly childish respomse. I am amazed someone who has risen to the rank of Chief of Police has the instincts of a child, and responds with the instincts of a child.]
The Inspector-General of Police was responding to statements by various groups over the death of Aminulrasyid Amzah.
The teenager was killed about 100m from his home early on Monday after policemen opened fire on him in Shah Alam following a car chase.
Initial reports, quoting the police, said he had tried to ram his car into police officers, forcing them to fire several shots at its tyres.
One bullet hit Aminulrasyid in the back of his head.
He was driving without a driving licence.
Police reportedly found a parang in the car, a Proton Iswara that belonged to his sister.
There were also allegations that the teen was a member of a robbery gang.
But a friend who was with Aminulrasyid at the time and fled the scene on foot unhurt gave a different story.
He said they were returning from a restaurant when they overtook a police car, reported news website The Malaysian Insider, and the police gave chase and opened fire on the car.
As anger over the shooting incident mounted, the Home Ministry announced that it had set up a special panel to probe the death.
Police chief Musa said he did not want to speculate on exactly what had transpired during the incident.
'It happened at 2am and the vehicle was being driven suspiciously. My men won't know if the driver was an adult or not because it was dark.
'If you refuse to stop and try to drive your way through when an officer is trying to stop you, then that vehicle is considered a weapon because it poses a danger to the life of the enforcement officer,' Mr Musa said.
'Running away from the police creates suspicion and, as law enforcers, we must ascertain why this person is running away from us,' he said.
[By shooting at them? Mr Musa would have done better to acknowledge the loss of a young life, offer his condolences, promise a clean and thorough investigation into the shooting, and say that until the investigation is complete, he is unable to comment any further. Standard procedures.]
Four policemen who were involved in the shooting have been transferred to desk duty and the case has been classified as murder.
One policeman fired four shots, one of which killed the teenager.
Veteran opposition leader Lim Kit Siang said the men in blue needed to explain how Aminulrasyid was shot in the back of the head when he supposedly tried to reverse his car and ram the police.
'As Aminul was shot in the back of his head and killed, he could not have posed any clear or present danger to police personnel.
'Why did they fire - with some neighbours saying they heard not less than five shots?' he was quoted as saying in The Malaysian Insider website.
THE STAR/ASIA NEWS NETWORK
Friday, April 30, 2010
Thursday, April 29, 2010
Foreign Ministry responds to UN expert's comments
Apr 29, 2010
Free expression must not be at expense of racial and religious harmony; only S'pore Govt can decide balance
'MR GITHU Muigai visited Singapore at the invitation of the Singapore Government. He had requested to come to Singapore to better understand our society, engage in dialogue, and identify best practices to be shared.
We told Mr Muigai that for Singapore, maintaining racial and religious harmony and treating minorities fairly is not just the morally correct thing to do. It is a political, economic and even foreign policy imperative for our continued survival and prosperity.
The principle of meritocracy is the basis of Singapore's success and will continue to serve as the core value of our society.
Mr Muigai told us that he now better appreciates the complexity of Singapore society and how we deal with racial issues.
He agreed with us that managing racial issues is a journey with no end and there will always be challenges. We told him that we will deal with them pragmatically as they arise; policies are continually reviewed and adjusted if changes are warranted.
The Singapore Government looks forward to reading Mr Muigai's final report. We have an open mind because the maintenance of racial harmony is of such vital importance to us that we are prepared to consider any practical suggestion that advances this goal and is workable in our unique circumstances.
We do not expect Mr Muigai to agree with all our approaches; nor do we agree with all that he had shared with us. Such differences of opinion are natural when dealing with a subject as complex as race.
We will respond fully as appropriate when we see his final report.
However, there are some comments in his press statement and from his press conference that require immediate clarification.
POSITION OF THE MALAYS
WE ARE surprised that Mr Muigai had so quickly concluded that in the field of education, 'special measures within clearly defined timelines' may be necessary to help address the historical inequalities faced by the Malay community.
As Mr Muigai himself has acknowledged, statistics show that 'great progress has been made in the last decades' in terms of the Malay community's performance in education and many other areas.
These statistics are publicly available.
The approach that Mr Muigai appears to be advocating - popularly known as 'affirmative action' - is one that has been tried by many countries without notable success. During our discussions with him, we found that Mr Muigai is well aware of failures of affirmative action and indeed shared with us an example of such a failure in another country.
During his meeting with Muis (the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore), Mr Muigai directly asked the president of Muis, Haji Mohd Alami Musa, whether he thought the Malay community wanted the Government to create special provisions to help the Malay community.
Haji Alami categorically told Mr Muigai that the Malays disapproved of any affirmative action policy because the Malay community had a deep sense of pride in its own ability to achieve steady progress under the national system of meritocracy.
RESTRICTIONS ON DISCUSSION OF SENSITIVE ISSUES
IN THE course of his press conference this afternoon Mr Muigai referred to restrictions in our laws such as the Penal Code and the Sedition Act and expressed the opinion that they may not be as useful today as 45 years ago. He called for greater openness in the public discussion of sensitive issues.
Here we must emphatically disagree with Mr Muigai.
Race, language and religion will always be sensitive issues in Singapore. This does not mean that they cannot be discussed, but a balance must always be struck between free expression and preservation of racial and religious harmony.
This balance is only for the Singapore Government to determine because only the Singapore Government bears the responsibility should things go wrong.
The UN bears no such responsibility and we see no reason to take risks for the sake of an abstract principle. We believe most Singaporeans agree with the Government's approach.
PRESIDENTIAL COUNCIL FOR MINORITY RIGHTS
MR MUIGAI was of the opinion that there was a potential conflict between the role of the Chief Justice as head of an independent judiciary and as chairman of the Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR).
Mr Muigai has not fully understood the Constitutional role of the PCMR. As the Chief Justice (Chan Sek Keong) himself told Mr Muigai, if there was any conflict of interest in a case, the Chief Justice would recuse himself.
Our judiciary is well respected internationally and the PCMR has worked well to preserve racial harmony in Singapore.
CATEGORISATION BY ETHNICITY
MR MUIGAI has suggested that categorising individuals by ethnicity, for example on our National Registration Identity Cards and through our Group Representation Constituency system, may reinforce and perpetuate prejudices and negative stereotypes.
However, during our discussions Mr Muigai acknowledged that there was no single correct approach to this issue and that there were good reasons not to pretend that ethnic differences did not exist.
ACCEDING TO INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS
MR MUIGAI has also recommended that we accede to certain international human rights conventions.
We have told Mr Muigai that we are in the process of studying some of these conventions and do not rule out acceding to them.
But we do not value form for its own sake and will accede to these conventions if there is substantive value in doing so and we are prepared to implement all their provisions.
THERE are also factual errors in Mr Muigai's press release that need immediate correction.
EDUCATION FOR MALAY STUDENTS
MR MUIGAI had noted that 'the Government had until a decade ago supported free education programmes for Malay students'. This implies that the Government has reduced the amount of money devoted to Malay education. This is not true.
What has changed is that the money that used to be allocated to middle-class Malays who no longer need subsidies for education is now given to Mendaki for distribution to the most needy Malays. The total amount of money dedicated to Malay education has not changed.
NON-TAMIL-SPEAKING INDIAN MUSLIMS
MR MUIGAI claimed that non-Tamil-speaking Indian Muslims may find it difficult to identify with (community self-help groups) Mendaki or Sinda. This is not true and in fact they have been making full use of programmes in both community groups. No Indian Muslim in need of help is denied help.
SPECIAL ASSISTANCE PLAN (SAP) SCHOOLS
MR MUIGAI claimed that Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools were established in order to nurture the best talents that will form the next generation of leaders in the various fields.
This is a misunderstanding of the role that SAP schools play in Singapore.
Then-Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in his speech at the 300th anniversary of the birth of the Khalsa Sikh Vesakhi celebrations in 1999 had explained fully the role of SAP schools. The speech is still relevant and Mr Muigai was given a copy of the speech today.'
Free expression must not be at expense of racial and religious harmony; only S'pore Govt can decide balance
'MR GITHU Muigai visited Singapore at the invitation of the Singapore Government. He had requested to come to Singapore to better understand our society, engage in dialogue, and identify best practices to be shared.
We told Mr Muigai that for Singapore, maintaining racial and religious harmony and treating minorities fairly is not just the morally correct thing to do. It is a political, economic and even foreign policy imperative for our continued survival and prosperity.
The principle of meritocracy is the basis of Singapore's success and will continue to serve as the core value of our society.
Mr Muigai told us that he now better appreciates the complexity of Singapore society and how we deal with racial issues.
He agreed with us that managing racial issues is a journey with no end and there will always be challenges. We told him that we will deal with them pragmatically as they arise; policies are continually reviewed and adjusted if changes are warranted.
The Singapore Government looks forward to reading Mr Muigai's final report. We have an open mind because the maintenance of racial harmony is of such vital importance to us that we are prepared to consider any practical suggestion that advances this goal and is workable in our unique circumstances.
We do not expect Mr Muigai to agree with all our approaches; nor do we agree with all that he had shared with us. Such differences of opinion are natural when dealing with a subject as complex as race.
We will respond fully as appropriate when we see his final report.
However, there are some comments in his press statement and from his press conference that require immediate clarification.
POSITION OF THE MALAYS
WE ARE surprised that Mr Muigai had so quickly concluded that in the field of education, 'special measures within clearly defined timelines' may be necessary to help address the historical inequalities faced by the Malay community.
As Mr Muigai himself has acknowledged, statistics show that 'great progress has been made in the last decades' in terms of the Malay community's performance in education and many other areas.
These statistics are publicly available.
The approach that Mr Muigai appears to be advocating - popularly known as 'affirmative action' - is one that has been tried by many countries without notable success. During our discussions with him, we found that Mr Muigai is well aware of failures of affirmative action and indeed shared with us an example of such a failure in another country.
During his meeting with Muis (the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore), Mr Muigai directly asked the president of Muis, Haji Mohd Alami Musa, whether he thought the Malay community wanted the Government to create special provisions to help the Malay community.
Haji Alami categorically told Mr Muigai that the Malays disapproved of any affirmative action policy because the Malay community had a deep sense of pride in its own ability to achieve steady progress under the national system of meritocracy.
RESTRICTIONS ON DISCUSSION OF SENSITIVE ISSUES
IN THE course of his press conference this afternoon Mr Muigai referred to restrictions in our laws such as the Penal Code and the Sedition Act and expressed the opinion that they may not be as useful today as 45 years ago. He called for greater openness in the public discussion of sensitive issues.
Here we must emphatically disagree with Mr Muigai.
Race, language and religion will always be sensitive issues in Singapore. This does not mean that they cannot be discussed, but a balance must always be struck between free expression and preservation of racial and religious harmony.
This balance is only for the Singapore Government to determine because only the Singapore Government bears the responsibility should things go wrong.
The UN bears no such responsibility and we see no reason to take risks for the sake of an abstract principle. We believe most Singaporeans agree with the Government's approach.
PRESIDENTIAL COUNCIL FOR MINORITY RIGHTS
MR MUIGAI was of the opinion that there was a potential conflict between the role of the Chief Justice as head of an independent judiciary and as chairman of the Presidential Council for Minority Rights (PCMR).
Mr Muigai has not fully understood the Constitutional role of the PCMR. As the Chief Justice (Chan Sek Keong) himself told Mr Muigai, if there was any conflict of interest in a case, the Chief Justice would recuse himself.
Our judiciary is well respected internationally and the PCMR has worked well to preserve racial harmony in Singapore.
CATEGORISATION BY ETHNICITY
MR MUIGAI has suggested that categorising individuals by ethnicity, for example on our National Registration Identity Cards and through our Group Representation Constituency system, may reinforce and perpetuate prejudices and negative stereotypes.
However, during our discussions Mr Muigai acknowledged that there was no single correct approach to this issue and that there were good reasons not to pretend that ethnic differences did not exist.
ACCEDING TO INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS
MR MUIGAI has also recommended that we accede to certain international human rights conventions.
We have told Mr Muigai that we are in the process of studying some of these conventions and do not rule out acceding to them.
But we do not value form for its own sake and will accede to these conventions if there is substantive value in doing so and we are prepared to implement all their provisions.
THERE are also factual errors in Mr Muigai's press release that need immediate correction.
EDUCATION FOR MALAY STUDENTS
MR MUIGAI had noted that 'the Government had until a decade ago supported free education programmes for Malay students'. This implies that the Government has reduced the amount of money devoted to Malay education. This is not true.
What has changed is that the money that used to be allocated to middle-class Malays who no longer need subsidies for education is now given to Mendaki for distribution to the most needy Malays. The total amount of money dedicated to Malay education has not changed.
NON-TAMIL-SPEAKING INDIAN MUSLIMS
MR MUIGAI claimed that non-Tamil-speaking Indian Muslims may find it difficult to identify with (community self-help groups) Mendaki or Sinda. This is not true and in fact they have been making full use of programmes in both community groups. No Indian Muslim in need of help is denied help.
SPECIAL ASSISTANCE PLAN (SAP) SCHOOLS
MR MUIGAI claimed that Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools were established in order to nurture the best talents that will form the next generation of leaders in the various fields.
This is a misunderstanding of the role that SAP schools play in Singapore.
Then-Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong in his speech at the 300th anniversary of the birth of the Khalsa Sikh Vesakhi celebrations in 1999 had explained fully the role of SAP schools. The speech is still relevant and Mr Muigai was given a copy of the speech today.'
UN man highlights areas for review
Apr 29, 2010
LAWS THAT MAY RESTRICT PUBLIC DISCUSSION OF SENSITIVE ISSUES, SUCH AS RACE
THESE laws include the Sedition Act and the Penal Code, which prohibit the promotion of enmity between different groups on the grounds of race and religion.
Mr Githu Muigai is of the view that these laws were relevant 45 years ago, when Singapore faced racial tensions that spilled over into violence.
But he believes the situation is different today.
'It is absolutely necessary in a free society that restrictions on public debate or discourse and the protection of racial harmony are not implemented at the detriment of fundamental human rights, such as the freedom of expression and the freedom of assembly.'
He thinks it is time to 'review any legislative restrictions that may exist in the statute books in order to allow Singaporeans to share their views on matters of ethnicity, to identify potential issues of discomfort and above all, work together to find solutions'.
POLICIES THAT ENTRENCH ETHNIC CATEGORIES
AMONG those he cited were the Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs). Parties that contest GRCs must field at least one member from an ethnic minority.
He also cited identity cards here, which retain the 'race' category - although he noted that the authorities were more flexible to allow those of mixed origins to display several ethnic backgrounds.
But he said schemes like the GRC and having the race stated on identity cards 'may tend to reinforce and perpetuate ethnic categorisation'.
'This in turn may lead to certain prejudices and negative stereotypes against certain minority groups taking root. The benefits of a society which allows for more permeability between delimited ethnic categories and in which social interactions are not predetermined by ethnic identity cannot be overemphasised.'
He recommended, as a start, that the 'race' category be removed from identity cards.
HOUSING
THE 1989 Ethnic Integration Policy stipulated ethnic quotas in HDB estates in order to prevent the creation of ethnic enclaves.
While the rationale and objectives were laudable, he said, the feedback to him was that the implementation created problems: Ethnic minorities faced difficulty finding flats near their families, and it also made it harder for them to resell their flats.
He hoped the policy would be made more flexible and kept under constant review.
'There was very strong feeling that the tendency for communities to regroup within cleavages has not disappeared, and will not disappear in the foreseeable future,' he noted.
'However, I got the impression that the Government is open-minded about tweaking the system a bit in favour of families being not too far from each other, parents not being far from their children, and in allowing disposals that don't financially prejudice especially minority sellers.'
EDUCATION
HE SAID the education system allowed all children to learn and play together. Schools also had successful programmes to foster mutual understanding and respect.
But Malay students were not moving in tandem with the rest of the student population, he felt. This was due to 'historical inequalities'.
He was also told that Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools - seen as top schools that nurture the next generation of leaders - favoured Chinese culture and language. It created the impression that there was a 'hierarchy of cultures'.
SAP schools were set up to strengthen the cultural roots of Singaporeans in an English-language environment, then-Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said in a 1999 speech. The Government would never let Chinese-educated Singaporeans monopolise top positions in society.
At his press conference, Mr Muigai recommended a state-supported 'stimulus package' for Malay education run within a specified timeline. But he agreed that ethnic quotas would not work in Singapore.
'Meritocracy has its merits. However, where there are acknowledged historical inequalities, as is the case with Malay students, this principle may serve to entrench them.'
EMPLOYMENT
IT WAS good that the Manpower Ministry and the Tripartite Alliance for Fair Employment educate employers about non-discrimination and resolve complaints through mediation.
Yet his attention was drawn to difficulties and negative stereotypes faced by Malays. He noted they were under-represented in senior positions in the military, the police and intelligence services and in the judiciary.
He called for a review of laws and regulations to ensure minority representation in all employment sectors, as well as legally binding provisions against discrimination in employment.
MIGRANTS AND FOREIGN WORKERS
HE WAS aware that the recent wave of immigration caused some resentment among Singaporeans.
He called for a more open and transparent immigration policy to address this. There was a perception that migrants from certain countries were favoured.
More urgently, he asked the Government to look into the condition of the low-skilled migrant worker, on top of existing efforts to educate employers, conduct random checks and sanction employers who mistreat their workers.
On foreign domestic workers, he hoped the Government would include them under the Employment Act. He applauded the Manpower Ministry's move to draw up a standard contract for domestic workers, offering them more protection.
He also recommended a minimum wage for vulnerable migrant workers, such as domestic and construction workers.
INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS
SINGAPORE has not signed various UN covenants enshrining the principle of non-discrimination, including the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
He hoped Singapore would soon accede to these covenants. The Government informed him that the matter was under review, he said.
He also hoped that the Government would beef up the Presidential Council for Minority Rights, giving it enhanced powers to consider laws on its own initiative.
THE MEDIA
ETHNIC minorities should be able to see role models in newspapers and films that present positive images of themselves, he said.
The media should therefore not reinforce stereotypes about certain races, for example, by constantly depicting a Chinese doctor and a Malay nurse, or emphasising the ethnicity of criminals.
LAWS THAT MAY RESTRICT PUBLIC DISCUSSION OF SENSITIVE ISSUES, SUCH AS RACE
THESE laws include the Sedition Act and the Penal Code, which prohibit the promotion of enmity between different groups on the grounds of race and religion.
Mr Githu Muigai is of the view that these laws were relevant 45 years ago, when Singapore faced racial tensions that spilled over into violence.
But he believes the situation is different today.
'It is absolutely necessary in a free society that restrictions on public debate or discourse and the protection of racial harmony are not implemented at the detriment of fundamental human rights, such as the freedom of expression and the freedom of assembly.'
He thinks it is time to 'review any legislative restrictions that may exist in the statute books in order to allow Singaporeans to share their views on matters of ethnicity, to identify potential issues of discomfort and above all, work together to find solutions'.
POLICIES THAT ENTRENCH ETHNIC CATEGORIES
AMONG those he cited were the Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs). Parties that contest GRCs must field at least one member from an ethnic minority.
He also cited identity cards here, which retain the 'race' category - although he noted that the authorities were more flexible to allow those of mixed origins to display several ethnic backgrounds.
But he said schemes like the GRC and having the race stated on identity cards 'may tend to reinforce and perpetuate ethnic categorisation'.
'This in turn may lead to certain prejudices and negative stereotypes against certain minority groups taking root. The benefits of a society which allows for more permeability between delimited ethnic categories and in which social interactions are not predetermined by ethnic identity cannot be overemphasised.'
He recommended, as a start, that the 'race' category be removed from identity cards.
HOUSING
THE 1989 Ethnic Integration Policy stipulated ethnic quotas in HDB estates in order to prevent the creation of ethnic enclaves.
While the rationale and objectives were laudable, he said, the feedback to him was that the implementation created problems: Ethnic minorities faced difficulty finding flats near their families, and it also made it harder for them to resell their flats.
He hoped the policy would be made more flexible and kept under constant review.
'There was very strong feeling that the tendency for communities to regroup within cleavages has not disappeared, and will not disappear in the foreseeable future,' he noted.
'However, I got the impression that the Government is open-minded about tweaking the system a bit in favour of families being not too far from each other, parents not being far from their children, and in allowing disposals that don't financially prejudice especially minority sellers.'
EDUCATION
HE SAID the education system allowed all children to learn and play together. Schools also had successful programmes to foster mutual understanding and respect.
But Malay students were not moving in tandem with the rest of the student population, he felt. This was due to 'historical inequalities'.
He was also told that Special Assistance Plan (SAP) schools - seen as top schools that nurture the next generation of leaders - favoured Chinese culture and language. It created the impression that there was a 'hierarchy of cultures'.
SAP schools were set up to strengthen the cultural roots of Singaporeans in an English-language environment, then-Deputy Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong said in a 1999 speech. The Government would never let Chinese-educated Singaporeans monopolise top positions in society.
At his press conference, Mr Muigai recommended a state-supported 'stimulus package' for Malay education run within a specified timeline. But he agreed that ethnic quotas would not work in Singapore.
'Meritocracy has its merits. However, where there are acknowledged historical inequalities, as is the case with Malay students, this principle may serve to entrench them.'
EMPLOYMENT
IT WAS good that the Manpower Ministry and the Tripartite Alliance for Fair Employment educate employers about non-discrimination and resolve complaints through mediation.
Yet his attention was drawn to difficulties and negative stereotypes faced by Malays. He noted they were under-represented in senior positions in the military, the police and intelligence services and in the judiciary.
He called for a review of laws and regulations to ensure minority representation in all employment sectors, as well as legally binding provisions against discrimination in employment.
MIGRANTS AND FOREIGN WORKERS
HE WAS aware that the recent wave of immigration caused some resentment among Singaporeans.
He called for a more open and transparent immigration policy to address this. There was a perception that migrants from certain countries were favoured.
More urgently, he asked the Government to look into the condition of the low-skilled migrant worker, on top of existing efforts to educate employers, conduct random checks and sanction employers who mistreat their workers.
On foreign domestic workers, he hoped the Government would include them under the Employment Act. He applauded the Manpower Ministry's move to draw up a standard contract for domestic workers, offering them more protection.
He also recommended a minimum wage for vulnerable migrant workers, such as domestic and construction workers.
INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS
SINGAPORE has not signed various UN covenants enshrining the principle of non-discrimination, including the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination.
He hoped Singapore would soon accede to these covenants. The Government informed him that the matter was under review, he said.
He also hoped that the Government would beef up the Presidential Council for Minority Rights, giving it enhanced powers to consider laws on its own initiative.
THE MEDIA
ETHNIC minorities should be able to see role models in newspapers and films that present positive images of themselves, he said.
The media should therefore not reinforce stereotypes about certain races, for example, by constantly depicting a Chinese doctor and a Malay nurse, or emphasising the ethnicity of criminals.
UN expert's comments draw swift Govt reply
Apr 29, 2010
By Rachel Lin
A UNITED Nations racism expert's call for policy fixes to allow for freer discussion of sensitive issues like race and to provide more extensive help for some in the Malay community drew a quick response from the Government yesterday.
Special Rapporteur Githu Muigai, speaking after an eight-day mission here, said Singapore had performed well in combating racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia, but 'blind spots' remain that could undermine the preservation of racial harmony.
Broadly put, these involved policies and programmes such as the Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), the 'race' category on identification documents and ethnic quotas in public housing which he said reinforced, not reduced, ethnic categorisation.
They also included the status of the Malay community here, in particular, what he saw as their relative under-performance in school and the lack of high-ranking Malay members of the army and judiciary.
Mr Muigai also felt that Singapore society was mature and the time was ripe for the review of laws which may constrain free public debate on sensitive issues, such as race and religion.
Saying that he found a 'very vibrant intellectual culture' here, he was of the view that restrictions such as those in the Penal Code and Sedition Act were not as useful today as they were 45 years ago when Singapore experienced violent racial tensions.
'I think I would even go further and say that I think they stand in the way of a more robust, more engaging debate that is necessary for Singapore or Singapore society to move forward,' he said at a press conference.
His statements prompted a response from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) last night giving the Government's position on these and his other initial recommendations.
'We must emphatically disagree with Mr Muigai. Race, language and religion will always be sensitive issues in Singapore. This does not mean that they cannot be discussed, but a balance must always be struck between free expression and preservation of racial and religious harmony,' the ministry said.
'This balance is only for the Singapore Government to determine because only the Singapore Government bears the responsibility should things go wrong. The UN bears no such responsibility and we see no reason to take risks for the sake of an abstract principle. We believe most Singaporeans agree with the Government's approach.'
[It is idealistic to believe that robust and engaging discussion and debate will remain at the intellectual level for visceral issues such as race and religion. The experience is that all too often such debates become passionate, positions become polarised, and attitudes become entrenched and intransigent. In any case, what gains does one expect from robust and engaging discussions? On matters of race and religion, there are mutually exclusive positions that ultimately cannot be discussed away.]
It also took issue with his comments on the Malay community.
Mr Muigai called for a fresh approach for Malay students, who perform below the national average due to 'acknowledged historical inequalities'.
The present community-based programmes, although partly funded by the Government, were not enough, he said.
'We must do more than give money for remedial teaching, for after-school teaching, for coaching for exams. We need a stimulus package, specific for this, within a timeline... Put in the money, the resources, the teachers, the equipment and then say, 'This has seven years to work'.'
Mr Muigai explicitly rejected ethnic quotas as a solution for Malay students here, noting that representatives of the community whom he had met were staunchly opposed to quotas.
The MFA said Mr Muigai was aware of the pitfalls of affirmative action and was surprised at his call for special measures in the area of education.
It too noted that key Malay leaders he met while here also told him that the community was proud of its ability to succeed on its own steam.
At his press conference, Mr Muigai said that he had heard concerns that policies such as the GRC system entrenched, rather than diminished, the significance of ethnic identity.
This could result in certain prejudices and negative stereotypes against certain minority groups taking root.
'The benefits of a society which allows for more permeability between ethnic categories, and in which social interactions are not predetermined by ethnic identity, cannot be overemphasised,' he said.
In addition, ethnic quotas in public housing posed problems for minorities, who had trouble finding homes near their families and could only sell their flats to members of the same ethnic group.
He recommended that identification documents should not indicate an individual's ethnic group. Having met officials while here, he came away with the view that the Government would not seriously object to this.
Addressing these points, the MFA yesterday said that ethnic categorisation was a complex issue for which there was no one correct answer.
Mr Muigai had, in his discussions with government officials, agreed that there were good reasons not to dismiss the presence of ethnic differences, it noted.
Mr Muigai who was here at the invitation of the Government to study issues relating to racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia, met ministers, civil servants, MPs and members of the judiciary, as well as civil society representatives, academics, lawyers, students and other individuals.
He told reporters that he had come with 'an open mind' to engage in a constructive dialogue with the authorities and civil society and identify best practices that can be shared with the international community.
Speaking on his initial impressions, he noted Singapore's troubled legacy of racial violence and said that the peaceful coexistence of diverse ethnic groups today was 'a remarkable achievement'.
The Government's fundamental commitment to tolerance and racial harmony has been demonstrated in many commendable policies, he added.
He noted that these provided a common space for people of different races to interact and learn from one another.
'I was deeply impressed by the work achieved and activities undertaken by, among other things, the National Integration Council, the National Steering Committee on Racial and Religious Harmony, the People's Association, OnePeople, as well as the Inter-Racial and Religious Confidence Circles,' he said.
He was pleased with the cooperation he received and the fruitful programme, and found that the Government was 'acutely aware of the threats posed by racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance'.
Still, he urged Singapore to sign the UN's many international covenants on human rights such as those to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination; on civil and political rights; and on the rights of migrant workers.
'I received assurances from the Government and was very pleased that this matter is under active review,' he said.
Last night, the MFA said that Singapore 'will accede to these conventions if there is substantive value in doing so and we are prepared to implement all their provisions'.
Yesterday, Mr Muigai also called for urgent action from the Government to protect transient workers, especially domestic workers.
'This is one area where the situation is quite dire,' he said, noting that domestic workers were not always given a day off or medical leave and were not allowed to marry Singapore men, and were automatically deported if found pregnant.
Mr Muigai, who has done similar studies in Germany and the United Arab Emirates, will present his full findings on Singapore to the UN Human Rights Council in June next year. It will be the first such report on Singapore.
The MFA said the Government looked forward to that report.
'We have an open mind because the maintenance of racial harmony is of such vital importance to us that we are prepared to consider any practical suggestion that advances this goal and is workable in our unique circumstances.'
lyuexin@sph.com.sg
[One may asks that if the SG Govt were not going to be receptive to criticisms, why bring in a UN special rapporteur to assess our performance and then reject everything he says. However, it is commendable that despite the peaceful racial relations here in Sg, the Govt had nonetheless sought an outside observer's views and assessment. This acknowledges that we may be blind to some problems and we should seek a second opinion.
That said, the swift govt reply may be a little reactive, rather than reflective. It would be good to go over the report, and consider the recommendations in a cold and dispassionate manner to see if there is something that we missed.]
By Rachel Lin
A UNITED Nations racism expert's call for policy fixes to allow for freer discussion of sensitive issues like race and to provide more extensive help for some in the Malay community drew a quick response from the Government yesterday.
Special Rapporteur Githu Muigai, speaking after an eight-day mission here, said Singapore had performed well in combating racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia, but 'blind spots' remain that could undermine the preservation of racial harmony.
Broadly put, these involved policies and programmes such as the Group Representation Constituencies (GRCs), the 'race' category on identification documents and ethnic quotas in public housing which he said reinforced, not reduced, ethnic categorisation.
They also included the status of the Malay community here, in particular, what he saw as their relative under-performance in school and the lack of high-ranking Malay members of the army and judiciary.
Mr Muigai also felt that Singapore society was mature and the time was ripe for the review of laws which may constrain free public debate on sensitive issues, such as race and religion.
Saying that he found a 'very vibrant intellectual culture' here, he was of the view that restrictions such as those in the Penal Code and Sedition Act were not as useful today as they were 45 years ago when Singapore experienced violent racial tensions.
'I think I would even go further and say that I think they stand in the way of a more robust, more engaging debate that is necessary for Singapore or Singapore society to move forward,' he said at a press conference.
His statements prompted a response from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) last night giving the Government's position on these and his other initial recommendations.
'We must emphatically disagree with Mr Muigai. Race, language and religion will always be sensitive issues in Singapore. This does not mean that they cannot be discussed, but a balance must always be struck between free expression and preservation of racial and religious harmony,' the ministry said.
'This balance is only for the Singapore Government to determine because only the Singapore Government bears the responsibility should things go wrong. The UN bears no such responsibility and we see no reason to take risks for the sake of an abstract principle. We believe most Singaporeans agree with the Government's approach.'
[It is idealistic to believe that robust and engaging discussion and debate will remain at the intellectual level for visceral issues such as race and religion. The experience is that all too often such debates become passionate, positions become polarised, and attitudes become entrenched and intransigent. In any case, what gains does one expect from robust and engaging discussions? On matters of race and religion, there are mutually exclusive positions that ultimately cannot be discussed away.]
It also took issue with his comments on the Malay community.
Mr Muigai called for a fresh approach for Malay students, who perform below the national average due to 'acknowledged historical inequalities'.
The present community-based programmes, although partly funded by the Government, were not enough, he said.
'We must do more than give money for remedial teaching, for after-school teaching, for coaching for exams. We need a stimulus package, specific for this, within a timeline... Put in the money, the resources, the teachers, the equipment and then say, 'This has seven years to work'.'
Mr Muigai explicitly rejected ethnic quotas as a solution for Malay students here, noting that representatives of the community whom he had met were staunchly opposed to quotas.
The MFA said Mr Muigai was aware of the pitfalls of affirmative action and was surprised at his call for special measures in the area of education.
It too noted that key Malay leaders he met while here also told him that the community was proud of its ability to succeed on its own steam.
At his press conference, Mr Muigai said that he had heard concerns that policies such as the GRC system entrenched, rather than diminished, the significance of ethnic identity.
This could result in certain prejudices and negative stereotypes against certain minority groups taking root.
'The benefits of a society which allows for more permeability between ethnic categories, and in which social interactions are not predetermined by ethnic identity, cannot be overemphasised,' he said.
In addition, ethnic quotas in public housing posed problems for minorities, who had trouble finding homes near their families and could only sell their flats to members of the same ethnic group.
He recommended that identification documents should not indicate an individual's ethnic group. Having met officials while here, he came away with the view that the Government would not seriously object to this.
Addressing these points, the MFA yesterday said that ethnic categorisation was a complex issue for which there was no one correct answer.
Mr Muigai had, in his discussions with government officials, agreed that there were good reasons not to dismiss the presence of ethnic differences, it noted.
Mr Muigai who was here at the invitation of the Government to study issues relating to racism, racial discrimination and xenophobia, met ministers, civil servants, MPs and members of the judiciary, as well as civil society representatives, academics, lawyers, students and other individuals.
He told reporters that he had come with 'an open mind' to engage in a constructive dialogue with the authorities and civil society and identify best practices that can be shared with the international community.
Speaking on his initial impressions, he noted Singapore's troubled legacy of racial violence and said that the peaceful coexistence of diverse ethnic groups today was 'a remarkable achievement'.
The Government's fundamental commitment to tolerance and racial harmony has been demonstrated in many commendable policies, he added.
He noted that these provided a common space for people of different races to interact and learn from one another.
'I was deeply impressed by the work achieved and activities undertaken by, among other things, the National Integration Council, the National Steering Committee on Racial and Religious Harmony, the People's Association, OnePeople, as well as the Inter-Racial and Religious Confidence Circles,' he said.
He was pleased with the cooperation he received and the fruitful programme, and found that the Government was 'acutely aware of the threats posed by racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance'.
Still, he urged Singapore to sign the UN's many international covenants on human rights such as those to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination; on civil and political rights; and on the rights of migrant workers.
'I received assurances from the Government and was very pleased that this matter is under active review,' he said.
Last night, the MFA said that Singapore 'will accede to these conventions if there is substantive value in doing so and we are prepared to implement all their provisions'.
Yesterday, Mr Muigai also called for urgent action from the Government to protect transient workers, especially domestic workers.
'This is one area where the situation is quite dire,' he said, noting that domestic workers were not always given a day off or medical leave and were not allowed to marry Singapore men, and were automatically deported if found pregnant.
Mr Muigai, who has done similar studies in Germany and the United Arab Emirates, will present his full findings on Singapore to the UN Human Rights Council in June next year. It will be the first such report on Singapore.
The MFA said the Government looked forward to that report.
'We have an open mind because the maintenance of racial harmony is of such vital importance to us that we are prepared to consider any practical suggestion that advances this goal and is workable in our unique circumstances.'
lyuexin@sph.com.sg
[One may asks that if the SG Govt were not going to be receptive to criticisms, why bring in a UN special rapporteur to assess our performance and then reject everything he says. However, it is commendable that despite the peaceful racial relations here in Sg, the Govt had nonetheless sought an outside observer's views and assessment. This acknowledges that we may be blind to some problems and we should seek a second opinion.
That said, the swift govt reply may be a little reactive, rather than reflective. It would be good to go over the report, and consider the recommendations in a cold and dispassionate manner to see if there is something that we missed.]
Wednesday, April 28, 2010
Election Rule Changes
Apr 27, 2010
PAP's 'woes' of its own making: Sylvia Lim
By Cai Haoxiang
IF THE ruling party now has a political problem it is trying to solve, it is of its own doing, argued Non-Constituency MP (NCMP) Sylvia Lim yesterday.
The Workers' Party (WP) chairman said the People's Action Party's (PAP) latest changes to the electoral landscape were made necessary by its own success in stamping out opposition representation in Parliament.
She spoke during the debate on a Constitution Amendment Bill that will entrench the Nominated MP system and raise the allowable number of NCMPs from six to nine. NCMPs are a ticket to Parliament for losing opposition candidates with the most votes.
Ms Lim said that while the changes cater to Singaporeans' desire for more opposition voices, they fail to tackle the 'root causes' of why there are few such voices to begin with. These, she argued, were the PAP's 'double whammy' of GRCs and gerrymandering.
GRCs, introduced in 1988, have grown in size over the years. The maximum number of MPs in each GRC has gone up from three in 1988, to four in 1991, to six in 1997. Meanwhile, the number of single-member wards has shrunk - from 42 in 1988, to 21 in 1991, to nine in 1997.
Said Ms Lim, sardonically: 'Such was the PAP's need to dominate. This tiny number of nine has been with us till today such that when the Prime Minister announced there's an increase of single-member wards from nine to 12, we hailed this as progress.'
She also referred to a speech by Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong in 2006 to show how the PAP itself admitted GRCs served party purposes. He had said GRCs helped recruit candidates for the PAP, as 'without some assurance of a good chance of winning at least their first election, many able and successful young Singaporeans may not risk their careers to join politics'.
Ms Lim also said gerrymandering, or the manipulation of constituency boundaries to gain an unfair advantage, had prevented opposition parties from gaining ground. 'Constituencies which showed strong opposition support are broken up or merged with others. Today, we no longer have Eunos GRC or Cheng San GRC,' she said, referring to the GRCs where the WP came close to wresting power from the PAP in the 1988, 1991 and 1997 polls.
Citing limitations on NCMPs' powers, she said only elected opposition members can provide a sustainable check on the ruling party, represent the people properly, and create a more robust political system.
She said: 'The root causes of our current problems are the abuse of the GRC system and gerrymandering. These have curtailed the expression of the people's desires at the elections and instead promoted the ruling party's own agenda.
'The PAP has created the problem which it is now trying to solve. But we should instead tackle the root causes for a more lasting and sustainable political future for Singapore.' She suggested that a system with all single seats would better reflect MPs' support from the people.
In response, Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng said that as the WP nearly won the Eunos and Cheng San GRC elections, the GRC system was not at fault. He said the PAP fields its best candidates at every election such that it has a clear mandate to lead. And regardless of how big a GRC is, if there is a groundswell of opinion against the PAP, people will vote against it.
If the opposition is unable to field good candidates, 'please do not use the excuses of GRC or boundary delineation to complain that they have no chance'.
--------------
Apr 27, 2010
Concerns over plan to increase opposition presence
IN A rare show of disagreement with new legislation tabled by the Government, several ruling party MPs yesterday took aim at constitutional changes that will increase the presence of opposition politicians in Parliament.
Five People's Action Party (PAP) MPs, during the debate over changes that will increase the minimum opposition presence from the current three to nine, raised concerns ranging from their lack of accountability to their effect on debate in the House.
Their bottom line? It is not the job of the ruling party to get opposition politicians into Parliament.
Mr Alvin Yeo (Hong Kah GRC) suggested that the aim of the changes to the Non-Constituency MP (NCMP) scheme - to generate more robust debate in Parliament - may not be realised.
'The opposition regularly criticises PAP MPs for speaking with one voice...but have you ever heard (NCMP) Ms Sylvia Lim take a different position from that of (Hougang MP) Mr Low Thia Khiang?' he asked.
Ms Lim and Mr Low both belong to the Workers' Party.
Only the sound and fury of debate - and not its quality - will be raised, he suggested.
Mr Zaqy Mohamad (Hong Kah GRC) and Ms Irene Ng (Tampines GRC) fretted over the NCMPs' lack of constituents to be accountable to.
Nothing will hold back an unelected NCMP from making 'provocative comments and populist calls', said Ms Ng.
While it is easy to criticise the Government, 'an elected MP with constituents to answer to thinks differently...and has to stand by what he or she says and represents', said Mr Zaqy.
NCMPs do not have the full rights of an elected MP. They cannot vote on amendments to the Constitution, on a Supply Bill, and no-confidence motions against the Government.
But they can vote on changes to legislation and raise motions to introduce new legislation.
Still, some MPs argued that increasing the number of NCMPs would pervert the electoral principle of one man, one vote.
Dr Lim Wee Kiak (Sembawang GRC) said voters had reasons not to elect the losing candidate: They do not want him or her to speak on their behalf.
He suggested a 'one man, two votes' system that would allow residents to also give their seal of approval to the NCMP.
Their first vote would decide the elected MP; the second would decide if the losing candidate deserved to be an NCMP.
He also said the 'best losers' from the ruling party should also be eligible as
NCMPs, thus making the scheme 'non-partisan'.
Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng, however, shot down the suggestions.
'For the ruling party, they already have the majority and I don't think we need more of them in this House,' he said.
He also defended the scheme's ability to bring about constructive debate in Parliament.
'I think it does give the opposition, whether as NCMP or elected MP, a chance to articulate what they stand for, what policies or programmes they have that can make a better life for Singaporeans.
'Otherwise we'll just be debating among ourselves, among PAP members. And we know the sentiment of Singaporeans...they want to see some real opposition MPs in Parliament.'
Ms Lim, the only NCMP in the current Parliament, opposed the changes. While she was in favour of seeing those voters who had cast a ballot for the opposition represented, she said the changes did not address other problems with the electoral system, such as gerrymandering by the ruling party.
Being an NCMP has 'frustrating' limitations, she said. She cannot get permission from the Aljunied Town Council to use public spaces in the constituency she was defeated in. Neither can she write on residents' behalf to government agencies; she can only help them draft letters.
In contrast, losing PAP MPs are appointed grassroots advisers, which gives them the status to liaise with governmental bodies.
RACHEL CHANG
--------------
Apr 27, 2010
No NCMP post for me: Low
But party will decide for its 'best losers' in next GE
By Rachel Chang
WORKERS' Party (WP) chief Low Thia Khiang made it clear yesterday he would reject the offer of a Non-Constituency MP (NCMP) post should he fail to be re-elected at the next general election.
Pressed by Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng to state his and his party's position during a spirited exchange that closed a three-hour debate, the Hougang MP since 1991 declared: 'I can tell him categorically that I will not take up the NCMP if I am not elected at the next election.'
Whether other eligible WP candidates would accept the offer to enter Parliament as 'best losers' would be decided by the party after the next election, he added.
The exchange between Mr Wong and Mr Low took place as MPs debated changes to the Constitution, including a proposal to have up to nine NCMPs.
The scheme allows the best losing opposition candidates who win more than 15 per cent of the valid vote into Parliament.
Ms Sylvia Lim, the WP chairman and the only NCMP in Parliament, had earlier spoken against the scheme and its expansion. She said it was merely making the 'bad situation' of an undemocratic landscape better.
The proposal to increase the number of NCMPs was passed by the House yesterday, but the WP opposed the move because 'fundamentally we don't believe that this is the way the system should move forward', Ms Lim said.
She argued that increasing opposition numbers through the NCMP scheme did not address what she saw as the skewed nature of the electoral system.
This was manipulated by the system of Group Representation Constituencies as well as practices like gerrymandering by the ruling People's Action Party, she said.
Mr Wong, who rounded up the debate, countered her by asking that 'if the Workers' Party is so fundamentally against the NCMP scheme, would Ms Sylvia Lim now say that she will no longer come back to Parliament?'
Ms Lim rejected the argument.
The decision for her to take up the NCMP offer after the 2006 election was made because a sizeable number of voters in Aljunied GRC wanted to see her team elected, she argued.
The WP team she led secured 44 per cent of the valid vote there.
However, Mr Wong, who is Home Affairs Minister, pressed her and Mr Low to explain the contradiction between the party's opposition to the NCMP scheme and its willingness to take up a seat.
Mr Low said there was no contradiction in being opposed to the NCMP scheme on principle, and yet participating in it since that was the political reality here.
'It is the same as when we oppose the GRC system. But it doesn't mean that we don't field candidates in GRCs,' he said to a packed House of more than 70 MPs.
'By introducing the NCMP scheme, the PAP is trying to have its cake and eat it. You're telling Singaporeans look, let's vote for PAP as the Government and we (will) provide you (with) NCMPs. But that is not how a healthy political system should work.'
Mr Wong said the Government was actually trying to make the cake bigger and offering the opposition a slice of it.
But Mr Low said the size of the cake remained the same 'because the number of elected members remains the same'.
'What you are trying to do is probably add some (icing) but the WP does not look at icing,' he declared.
Mr Wong replied that he had put a simple question to the WP: whether it would take up NCMP seats if not enough opposition MPs were elected directly.
Mr Low reiterated the party would vote against the change. Pressed about taking up a seat, he said that as an individual, he would not do so.
'And of course if (my) party insists that I will have to take it up, I probably will have to resign. That's all.'
rchang@sph.com.sg
PAP's 'woes' of its own making: Sylvia Lim
By Cai Haoxiang
IF THE ruling party now has a political problem it is trying to solve, it is of its own doing, argued Non-Constituency MP (NCMP) Sylvia Lim yesterday.
The Workers' Party (WP) chairman said the People's Action Party's (PAP) latest changes to the electoral landscape were made necessary by its own success in stamping out opposition representation in Parliament.
She spoke during the debate on a Constitution Amendment Bill that will entrench the Nominated MP system and raise the allowable number of NCMPs from six to nine. NCMPs are a ticket to Parliament for losing opposition candidates with the most votes.
Ms Lim said that while the changes cater to Singaporeans' desire for more opposition voices, they fail to tackle the 'root causes' of why there are few such voices to begin with. These, she argued, were the PAP's 'double whammy' of GRCs and gerrymandering.
GRCs, introduced in 1988, have grown in size over the years. The maximum number of MPs in each GRC has gone up from three in 1988, to four in 1991, to six in 1997. Meanwhile, the number of single-member wards has shrunk - from 42 in 1988, to 21 in 1991, to nine in 1997.
Said Ms Lim, sardonically: 'Such was the PAP's need to dominate. This tiny number of nine has been with us till today such that when the Prime Minister announced there's an increase of single-member wards from nine to 12, we hailed this as progress.'
She also referred to a speech by Senior Minister Goh Chok Tong in 2006 to show how the PAP itself admitted GRCs served party purposes. He had said GRCs helped recruit candidates for the PAP, as 'without some assurance of a good chance of winning at least their first election, many able and successful young Singaporeans may not risk their careers to join politics'.
Ms Lim also said gerrymandering, or the manipulation of constituency boundaries to gain an unfair advantage, had prevented opposition parties from gaining ground. 'Constituencies which showed strong opposition support are broken up or merged with others. Today, we no longer have Eunos GRC or Cheng San GRC,' she said, referring to the GRCs where the WP came close to wresting power from the PAP in the 1988, 1991 and 1997 polls.
Citing limitations on NCMPs' powers, she said only elected opposition members can provide a sustainable check on the ruling party, represent the people properly, and create a more robust political system.
She said: 'The root causes of our current problems are the abuse of the GRC system and gerrymandering. These have curtailed the expression of the people's desires at the elections and instead promoted the ruling party's own agenda.
'The PAP has created the problem which it is now trying to solve. But we should instead tackle the root causes for a more lasting and sustainable political future for Singapore.' She suggested that a system with all single seats would better reflect MPs' support from the people.
In response, Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng said that as the WP nearly won the Eunos and Cheng San GRC elections, the GRC system was not at fault. He said the PAP fields its best candidates at every election such that it has a clear mandate to lead. And regardless of how big a GRC is, if there is a groundswell of opinion against the PAP, people will vote against it.
If the opposition is unable to field good candidates, 'please do not use the excuses of GRC or boundary delineation to complain that they have no chance'.
--------------
Apr 27, 2010
Concerns over plan to increase opposition presence
IN A rare show of disagreement with new legislation tabled by the Government, several ruling party MPs yesterday took aim at constitutional changes that will increase the presence of opposition politicians in Parliament.
Five People's Action Party (PAP) MPs, during the debate over changes that will increase the minimum opposition presence from the current three to nine, raised concerns ranging from their lack of accountability to their effect on debate in the House.
Their bottom line? It is not the job of the ruling party to get opposition politicians into Parliament.
Mr Alvin Yeo (Hong Kah GRC) suggested that the aim of the changes to the Non-Constituency MP (NCMP) scheme - to generate more robust debate in Parliament - may not be realised.
'The opposition regularly criticises PAP MPs for speaking with one voice...but have you ever heard (NCMP) Ms Sylvia Lim take a different position from that of (Hougang MP) Mr Low Thia Khiang?' he asked.
Ms Lim and Mr Low both belong to the Workers' Party.
Only the sound and fury of debate - and not its quality - will be raised, he suggested.
Mr Zaqy Mohamad (Hong Kah GRC) and Ms Irene Ng (Tampines GRC) fretted over the NCMPs' lack of constituents to be accountable to.
Nothing will hold back an unelected NCMP from making 'provocative comments and populist calls', said Ms Ng.
While it is easy to criticise the Government, 'an elected MP with constituents to answer to thinks differently...and has to stand by what he or she says and represents', said Mr Zaqy.
NCMPs do not have the full rights of an elected MP. They cannot vote on amendments to the Constitution, on a Supply Bill, and no-confidence motions against the Government.
But they can vote on changes to legislation and raise motions to introduce new legislation.
Still, some MPs argued that increasing the number of NCMPs would pervert the electoral principle of one man, one vote.
Dr Lim Wee Kiak (Sembawang GRC) said voters had reasons not to elect the losing candidate: They do not want him or her to speak on their behalf.
He suggested a 'one man, two votes' system that would allow residents to also give their seal of approval to the NCMP.
Their first vote would decide the elected MP; the second would decide if the losing candidate deserved to be an NCMP.
He also said the 'best losers' from the ruling party should also be eligible as
NCMPs, thus making the scheme 'non-partisan'.
Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng, however, shot down the suggestions.
'For the ruling party, they already have the majority and I don't think we need more of them in this House,' he said.
He also defended the scheme's ability to bring about constructive debate in Parliament.
'I think it does give the opposition, whether as NCMP or elected MP, a chance to articulate what they stand for, what policies or programmes they have that can make a better life for Singaporeans.
'Otherwise we'll just be debating among ourselves, among PAP members. And we know the sentiment of Singaporeans...they want to see some real opposition MPs in Parliament.'
Ms Lim, the only NCMP in the current Parliament, opposed the changes. While she was in favour of seeing those voters who had cast a ballot for the opposition represented, she said the changes did not address other problems with the electoral system, such as gerrymandering by the ruling party.
Being an NCMP has 'frustrating' limitations, she said. She cannot get permission from the Aljunied Town Council to use public spaces in the constituency she was defeated in. Neither can she write on residents' behalf to government agencies; she can only help them draft letters.
In contrast, losing PAP MPs are appointed grassroots advisers, which gives them the status to liaise with governmental bodies.
RACHEL CHANG
--------------
Apr 27, 2010
No NCMP post for me: Low
But party will decide for its 'best losers' in next GE
By Rachel Chang
WORKERS' Party (WP) chief Low Thia Khiang made it clear yesterday he would reject the offer of a Non-Constituency MP (NCMP) post should he fail to be re-elected at the next general election.
Pressed by Deputy Prime Minister Wong Kan Seng to state his and his party's position during a spirited exchange that closed a three-hour debate, the Hougang MP since 1991 declared: 'I can tell him categorically that I will not take up the NCMP if I am not elected at the next election.'
Whether other eligible WP candidates would accept the offer to enter Parliament as 'best losers' would be decided by the party after the next election, he added.
The exchange between Mr Wong and Mr Low took place as MPs debated changes to the Constitution, including a proposal to have up to nine NCMPs.
The scheme allows the best losing opposition candidates who win more than 15 per cent of the valid vote into Parliament.
Ms Sylvia Lim, the WP chairman and the only NCMP in Parliament, had earlier spoken against the scheme and its expansion. She said it was merely making the 'bad situation' of an undemocratic landscape better.
The proposal to increase the number of NCMPs was passed by the House yesterday, but the WP opposed the move because 'fundamentally we don't believe that this is the way the system should move forward', Ms Lim said.
She argued that increasing opposition numbers through the NCMP scheme did not address what she saw as the skewed nature of the electoral system.
This was manipulated by the system of Group Representation Constituencies as well as practices like gerrymandering by the ruling People's Action Party, she said.
Mr Wong, who rounded up the debate, countered her by asking that 'if the Workers' Party is so fundamentally against the NCMP scheme, would Ms Sylvia Lim now say that she will no longer come back to Parliament?'
Ms Lim rejected the argument.
The decision for her to take up the NCMP offer after the 2006 election was made because a sizeable number of voters in Aljunied GRC wanted to see her team elected, she argued.
The WP team she led secured 44 per cent of the valid vote there.
However, Mr Wong, who is Home Affairs Minister, pressed her and Mr Low to explain the contradiction between the party's opposition to the NCMP scheme and its willingness to take up a seat.
Mr Low said there was no contradiction in being opposed to the NCMP scheme on principle, and yet participating in it since that was the political reality here.
'It is the same as when we oppose the GRC system. But it doesn't mean that we don't field candidates in GRCs,' he said to a packed House of more than 70 MPs.
'By introducing the NCMP scheme, the PAP is trying to have its cake and eat it. You're telling Singaporeans look, let's vote for PAP as the Government and we (will) provide you (with) NCMPs. But that is not how a healthy political system should work.'
Mr Wong said the Government was actually trying to make the cake bigger and offering the opposition a slice of it.
But Mr Low said the size of the cake remained the same 'because the number of elected members remains the same'.
'What you are trying to do is probably add some (icing) but the WP does not look at icing,' he declared.
Mr Wong replied that he had put a simple question to the WP: whether it would take up NCMP seats if not enough opposition MPs were elected directly.
Mr Low reiterated the party would vote against the change. Pressed about taking up a seat, he said that as an individual, he would not do so.
'And of course if (my) party insists that I will have to take it up, I probably will have to resign. That's all.'
rchang@sph.com.sg
We're not Nobody's MPs, say Nominated MPs
Apr 27, 2010
By Rachel Lin
NOMINATED MPs: undemocratic, unaccountable and ultimately unwanted? Not according to the current bench of NMPs.
During yesterday's debate over an amendment which would entrench the NMP scheme in the Constitution, they rose to defend their role.
It was, in short, to provide alternative, non-partisan views on issues that may not occupy a central space in the political battlefield.
Elections are not fought, for example, over green issues, homosexual rights, sports and the arts, NMP Calvin Cheng said. However, they must be represented in Parliament, and NMPs can 'fill the void', he argued. NMPs both past and present - including Ms Joscelin Yeo and Mr Siew Kum Hong - brought this role to life, he said.
Ms Yeo is a former national swimmer; Mr Siew is a lawyer who, in 2007, helped activists submit a petition to Parliament to repeal Section 377A of the Penal Code, which makes it illegal for men to have sex with other men.
Similarly, Mr Cheng added, since no one party represents purely workers' or business interests, it would be useful to have NMPs from chambers of commerce or the unions.
Their non-partisan nature also meant that NMPs should be appointed, not elected, he said.
Furthermore, NMPs' views are enhanced by their areas of expertise. Said NMP Paulin Straughan: 'When I look at a social issue, I am not constrained by partisan concerns. As a sociologist and an academic, I am informed by the research I do, including a thorough review of various perspectives, the data I have collected and the outcomes of the analysis.'
This raises the level of political discourse and brings diversity to the House, she said. NMPs may not belong to any political party, but that did not mean they did not have legitimate views.
The NMPs gave short shrift to the idea that they were an 'alternative opposition'. 'It has to be made very clear that NMPs are in Parliament to give alternative views, not opposing views,' Mr Cheng said.
Associate Professor Straughan put it more strongly: 'I find little merit in this allegation (that NMPs are needed as surrogate opposition), for it undermines the intellect of the electorate. Singaporeans will vote for the political party that best represents their interests and ideals.'
However, she felt that the NMP scheme marked a transitional phase in Singapore's political maturity: 'The day we move to a two-party system where opposing voices are more visible, we will not need NMPs or Non-Constituency MPs. But until we get there, the NMPs have a role to play.'
Still, the three NMPs who spoke - Mr Cheng, Professor Straughan and Ms Audrey Wong - were candid about their trials, including long hours spent poring over new legislation being tabled, especially as, unlike elected MPs, they have no research support.
They called for more transparency in the nomination process and a clearer definition of their roles. Without these, said Mr Cheng, 'not only will NMPs be 'Nobody's MPs', but worse, unwanted MPs: neither birds nor beasts, but bats, ostracised and ignored by all sides'.
By Rachel Lin
NOMINATED MPs: undemocratic, unaccountable and ultimately unwanted? Not according to the current bench of NMPs.
During yesterday's debate over an amendment which would entrench the NMP scheme in the Constitution, they rose to defend their role.
It was, in short, to provide alternative, non-partisan views on issues that may not occupy a central space in the political battlefield.
Elections are not fought, for example, over green issues, homosexual rights, sports and the arts, NMP Calvin Cheng said. However, they must be represented in Parliament, and NMPs can 'fill the void', he argued. NMPs both past and present - including Ms Joscelin Yeo and Mr Siew Kum Hong - brought this role to life, he said.
Ms Yeo is a former national swimmer; Mr Siew is a lawyer who, in 2007, helped activists submit a petition to Parliament to repeal Section 377A of the Penal Code, which makes it illegal for men to have sex with other men.
Similarly, Mr Cheng added, since no one party represents purely workers' or business interests, it would be useful to have NMPs from chambers of commerce or the unions.
Their non-partisan nature also meant that NMPs should be appointed, not elected, he said.
Furthermore, NMPs' views are enhanced by their areas of expertise. Said NMP Paulin Straughan: 'When I look at a social issue, I am not constrained by partisan concerns. As a sociologist and an academic, I am informed by the research I do, including a thorough review of various perspectives, the data I have collected and the outcomes of the analysis.'
This raises the level of political discourse and brings diversity to the House, she said. NMPs may not belong to any political party, but that did not mean they did not have legitimate views.
The NMPs gave short shrift to the idea that they were an 'alternative opposition'. 'It has to be made very clear that NMPs are in Parliament to give alternative views, not opposing views,' Mr Cheng said.
Associate Professor Straughan put it more strongly: 'I find little merit in this allegation (that NMPs are needed as surrogate opposition), for it undermines the intellect of the electorate. Singaporeans will vote for the political party that best represents their interests and ideals.'
However, she felt that the NMP scheme marked a transitional phase in Singapore's political maturity: 'The day we move to a two-party system where opposing voices are more visible, we will not need NMPs or Non-Constituency MPs. But until we get there, the NMPs have a role to play.'
Still, the three NMPs who spoke - Mr Cheng, Professor Straughan and Ms Audrey Wong - were candid about their trials, including long hours spent poring over new legislation being tabled, especially as, unlike elected MPs, they have no research support.
They called for more transparency in the nomination process and a clearer definition of their roles. Without these, said Mr Cheng, 'not only will NMPs be 'Nobody's MPs', but worse, unwanted MPs: neither birds nor beasts, but bats, ostracised and ignored by all sides'.
Saturday, April 24, 2010
Britain teaches India about curries
24 April 2010
KOLKATA, India - Britain exporting curry to India? The idea seems ludicrous but a group of chefs are in the subcontinent determined to teach locals about British versions of traditional Indian recipes.
Indian food has become a mainstay of the British diet, eaten in vast quantities across the country, but few people in the homeland of the curry have ever heard of the dishes that pass off for their national cuisine in Europe.
Chicken Tikka Masala, known for its spicy red yoghurt-based sauce and said to be the most popular dish in British restaurants, is unheard of in India where even the word "curry" is seen as a British invention.
Dishes with "gravy" are what Britons, or "Britishers" as they are still known in India, would recognise as a curry, though gravy for traditional English folk is something served with roast beef on a Sunday.
"The Taste of Britain's Curry Festival" has been running this week in Kolkata, eastern India, the first capital of the British empire on the subcontinent.
Advertised widely across the city, the idea is to introduce Indians to some of the dishes that have developed in Britain in the 300 years since the two countries have been linked by trade and colonial rule.
"The British Raj in the Indian subcontinent started from Kolkata and Britons had the first Indian curries in this historic city," festival director Syed Bilal Ahmed told AFP.
"Bringing back curry to its original place is like a homecoming."
The festival features 50 dishes by four Britain-based Indian and Bangladeshi master chefs.
Some of the recipes on display are British curry house staples, such as Balti, Jalfrezi and Tikka Masala.
"British curries are healthier as they have less spice, less oil and less sugar and salt," added Ahmed, who believes Britain no longer deserves its reputation for poor food.
The festival, which organisers plan to take to Bangladesh and Spain, ends on Sunday but its impact might be long-term in Kolkata, a bustling city famed for its passionate gastronome residents.
"We plan to continue some dishes of Britain curry even after the festival," said Utpal Mondal, executive chef of host hotel Hindustan International, where sales are up 18 per cent since the festival began.
Locals appeared to be enjoying the fare on offer.
"We came here to get the taste of Britain curry. It's delicious," said Sutapa Sanyal, an employee of a city-based firm who walked into the restaurant with her husband for the first time.
- AFP/ir
[So curry from India travels to Britain, and is transformed into new versions, and returns to India to show the Indians, what they have become, and if it might be of interest to the Indians.
Perhaps our roti prata could travel back to India and see if it holds its own.
And our Hainanese Chicken rice travel to Hainan and show them what it has become. :-)]
KOLKATA, India - Britain exporting curry to India? The idea seems ludicrous but a group of chefs are in the subcontinent determined to teach locals about British versions of traditional Indian recipes.
Indian food has become a mainstay of the British diet, eaten in vast quantities across the country, but few people in the homeland of the curry have ever heard of the dishes that pass off for their national cuisine in Europe.
Chicken Tikka Masala, known for its spicy red yoghurt-based sauce and said to be the most popular dish in British restaurants, is unheard of in India where even the word "curry" is seen as a British invention.
Dishes with "gravy" are what Britons, or "Britishers" as they are still known in India, would recognise as a curry, though gravy for traditional English folk is something served with roast beef on a Sunday.
"The Taste of Britain's Curry Festival" has been running this week in Kolkata, eastern India, the first capital of the British empire on the subcontinent.
Advertised widely across the city, the idea is to introduce Indians to some of the dishes that have developed in Britain in the 300 years since the two countries have been linked by trade and colonial rule.
"The British Raj in the Indian subcontinent started from Kolkata and Britons had the first Indian curries in this historic city," festival director Syed Bilal Ahmed told AFP.
"Bringing back curry to its original place is like a homecoming."
The festival features 50 dishes by four Britain-based Indian and Bangladeshi master chefs.
Some of the recipes on display are British curry house staples, such as Balti, Jalfrezi and Tikka Masala.
"British curries are healthier as they have less spice, less oil and less sugar and salt," added Ahmed, who believes Britain no longer deserves its reputation for poor food.
The festival, which organisers plan to take to Bangladesh and Spain, ends on Sunday but its impact might be long-term in Kolkata, a bustling city famed for its passionate gastronome residents.
"We plan to continue some dishes of Britain curry even after the festival," said Utpal Mondal, executive chef of host hotel Hindustan International, where sales are up 18 per cent since the festival began.
Locals appeared to be enjoying the fare on offer.
"We came here to get the taste of Britain curry. It's delicious," said Sutapa Sanyal, an employee of a city-based firm who walked into the restaurant with her husband for the first time.
- AFP/ir
[So curry from India travels to Britain, and is transformed into new versions, and returns to India to show the Indians, what they have become, and if it might be of interest to the Indians.
Perhaps our roti prata could travel back to India and see if it holds its own.
And our Hainanese Chicken rice travel to Hainan and show them what it has become. :-)]
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